GERALD KEAN is better known as a lawyer and an occupant of the celebrity pages. But in an interview in the Sunday Tribunemagazine last month, Kean indicated that if the money from the law starts to dry up, he might be able to carve out a career as a political pundit. In the interview, Kean said he was unable to distinguish between Fianna Fail and Fine Gael.

This is the great big elephant in the room of Irish politics. Answering the Kean question . . . what is the difference? . . . means dealing with policy, and that is not a discussion there is a big rush to start. Instead, everybody . . . the politicians, the media and the public . . .pays excess attention to sideshows. In the past week, there's been great excitement over Fine Gael's attack billboards (see below), the recruitment of American advisers and comments from a little-known Waterford TD with a tendency for foot-inmouth disease.

After the 2002 general election, academic Michael Laver undertook a computerised text analysis of the general election manifestos of the main political parties.

He was looking for differences in economic and social policy, environmental policy and positioning on Northern Ireland. "Fianna Fail and Fine Gael remain almost indistinguishable on the centre-right in terms of the content of their manifestos, " Laver concluded.

A survey of 1,700 Fine Gael members, published in 2002, found that they were predominantly male and middle-aged, with a large proportion joining for essentially non-political reasons such as a desire to enhance their social life or as a result of the influence of family or friends. The survey results were not altogether different from what would be expected of Fianna Fail members.

There is no a clash of values between the two big parties. There is no difference in vision. There is no great variation in world view. On the political spectrum, Fianna Fail is simply a larger version of Fine Gael. Size matters, not ideology. This is something John Deasy should consider before he throws any more rattles out of his pram.

Fine Gael has long been the second-best option. In every election since 1932, the party has finished as a runner-up to Fianna Fail. Moreover, in the 75 years between 1932 and 2007, Fine Gael has spent only 18 years in government. The last time the party entered government after a general election was back in November 1982.

The lesson may well be that the problem for Fine Gael is less to do with the person leading the party and more to do with the party itself. Gerald Kean is not the only person unable to tell the two parties apart. The voters do not see a political battle waged between Fianna Fail and Fine Gael characterised by differences over great ideological matters. Even now, in 2007, the only difference on offer is that of approach . . . Fine Gael's promise to the electorate it that it will do a better job than the incumbents.

In an ideology-free political zone, the voters have been more inclined to back the market leader. Fine Gael has suffered because it is perceived as the number two.

It might well be a case of, give us a difference and we'll give you our votes. Until then, Fianna Fail will remain the party of government and Fine Gael will be like the mumps . . . we'll get them once in a lifetime.

Negative spin harks back to Clann na Poblachta's sin

FINE Gael has decided to target Michael McDowell.

Negative campaigning is, however, not new to Irish politics. Fianna Fail warned of a 'red scare' during the presidential election in 1990 when Mary Robinson was edging in the opinion polls towards Aras an Uachtarain. 'Is the left right for the park?' a Fianna Fail advert asked, with a second question, 'Do you want radical socialists to run the presidency?'

The negativity did not work in 1990, but a generation earlier, the strategy was more successful. In 1948, Clann na Poblachta emerged as a serious threat to Fianna Fail. Sean Lemass warned about the party's links to "international communism". But in the Tipperary Star, a supporter of 'an Clann' struck back with a lyrical poem.

"Good-bye de Valera . . .and Sean Mac Entee/ Who give us the brown bread and half ounce of tea/ We are saying goodbye to them all, as out of the Dail they must crawl/ We'll give them the pension, so vote Clann na Poblachta, all."

Unfortunately, there were no focus groups or exit polls in 1948 to test whether it was the fear of communism or the quality of lyric writing that halted the advance of Clann na Poblachta.