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Green big guns in the phoney election war
Shane Coleman



If the GreenParty would forget about tap water for a while, it could easily secure its best-ever election result AROUND eight weeks to go to general election day and the phoney war continues. Last week, before Fine Gael launched its imaginative tax package, it was eerily quiet. Before that, the only real political news story of the week was the government's launch of the White Paper on Energy and the ESB unions' militant response. The statement from the six unions that they will "oppose [the] break-up of the company by whatever means are necessary" must have given union-friendly Bertie Ahern palpitations this close to the election. Expect him to take a particularly hands-on approach to this thorny issue.

But it might just be that two of last week's major stories from outside the immediate political arena will ultimately have the biggest impact on the general election. Wednesday's losses on the Irish stock exchange, amid fears of recession in the US, allied to a series of reports of job losses, has raised the prospect that the election might end up being about the economy.

There are potential positives and negatives for the government in this.

The negatives are pretty obvious. If there is a perception that the good times are coming to an end, then it could undermine the government's biggest selling-point - its record on the economy. Furthermore, if the fall in the stock markets turns out to be more than a temporary correction, it will affect those who have opted for equitybased SSIAs. With half of those funds due to mature in the month before the general election, that could dent some of the feelgood factor that the government would have been counting on.

On the other hand, there is a compelling argument that fears of a downturn will benefit the government. This is based on an assumption that if voters are uncertain about the future, they will opt for an experienced government, that has generally done well on the economy, over an untried alternative - the devil you know rather than the one you don't.

Labour, the PDs, the Greens and now Fine Gael have served up some juicylooking goodies in recent weeks, but the electorate might be less tempted if they feel that the gains made over the past 15 years are in danger of slipping away. If Fianna F�il can create a perception that it alone is the voice of fiscal reason amid a frenzy of auction politics, it could yet turn out to be a masterstroke.

The second story from last week likely to impact on the election was the report on Irish climate change that warned of significant increases in average temperatures. As committed environmentalists, the Green Party will be horrified by the report's findings.

But, given its conversion to political pragmatism, it will also realise the opportunity that this offers.

Hardly a day goes by now without some warning of impending disaster caused by global warming. The Greens' day (to borrow a slogan from the country's other 'green' party) has come.

A poll last week that showed Mary White taking a seat for the party in Carlow-Kilkenny confirms the growing view that the Greens are well placed to win 10 or more seats in the election.

Their current six seats look rock solid and it is increasingly likely that they will be joined by Deirdre de Burca in Wicklow, Niall O Brolchain in Galway West, Patricia McKenna in Dublin Central and Mary White. The prospect of a surprise in the likes of Dublin South Central, North-East or North-Central can't be ruled out. Even if they don't win all those seats, the party seems guaranteed to win eight or nine seats, potentially leaving it as king-maker after the election.

All of which makes the party's stand last week on ending water fluoridation somewhat puzzling. The Greens may or may not be right on fluoridation (and the jury seems to be out on that) and the party's idealism is commendable, but it is very difficult to see what political upside there is for the party in raising this issue now. The issue of fluoridation doesn't particularly engage the average voter, yet it has the potential to become highly emotive - two factors that should come with a (if-you-want-to-be-in) government health warning: Not To Be Raised Close To A General Election.

A year ago, the Greens faced a real challenge in selling their policies to the electorate. However worthy they were, it didn't seem that terms such as 'sustainability' and 'C0 2emissions' would persuade voters. The party would need to concentrate on developing innovative policies in education, childcare and housing, rather than traditional Green issues, to woo middle-class voters. But with the world and Ireland finally waking up to global warming, everything has changed. The party hardly needs to sell itself at all, other than drumming home the message that the environment and our children's environment needs the Greens in government.

The phoney war may be good for Fianna F�il - it means less time for Fine Gael and Labour to bridge the gap in the opinion polls - but it's also good for the Greens, because its main selling point is already dominating the news agenda. It might sound cynical but, between now and the election, the party needs to forget about fluoridation, lab testing of primates and the war in Iraq and hang a big banner in its office paraphrasing Bill Clinton's immortal memo-to-self: 'It's the environment, stupid'.




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