gives an indication of the majority conclusion on De Valera's contribution. But if De Valera is in the Premier League of those who have held the top political job in the State, where do the others stand? The list is a short one. Eleven men since 1922 have led an Irish government . . . William T Cosgrave, de Valera, John A Costello, Sean Lemass, Jack Lynch, Liam Cosgrave, Charles Haughey, Garret Fitzgerald, Albert Reynolds, John Bruton and Bertie Ahern. De Valera deserves to be in the top tier of taoisigh for a variety of reasons, including the 1937 Constitution and his role in international affairs. There are plenty of negatives, but the positives are enough to qualify him as a Grade A political leader. WT Cosgrave is an automatic member of that club. Often overlooked, the Cumann na nGaedhael leader helped establish this State and ensure it had firm foundations. It is too easy now to forget the considerable challenges faced in the first decade of independent rule.

Many in London, and in Belfast, were wishing that the fledging endeavour would fail . . . Cosgrave ensured otherwise.

A step down from WT and Dev, there is probably a second category of former taoisigh. Here we would find the good, but not quite great, leaders. Lemass is an automatic member. He gave the green light to the new industrialisation policy after he took over in 1959 and opened relations with Northern Ireland. But he probably departed office too early to have left a significant personal imprint on the Irish State. Costello should probably join Lemass. He was the compromise leader of the state's first coalition government . . . and although Noel Browne is associated with the TB eradication programme, it was undertaken on Costello's watch. It will not meet with universal approval but I would also put Albert Reynolds in this group for the reason that he risked everything for the 1994 IRA ceasefire from which the peace process was born. He also negotiated the first Fianna Fail-Labour coalition and accepted its ambitious programme for government. If Reynolds had not been so strongheaded over Harry Whelehan's judicial appointment, and eased off when the Beef Tribunal report was published, he might even be standing shoulder to shoulder with WT and Dev.

A third grouping of former taoisigh would include Liam Cosgrave, Jack Lynch, Garret FitzGerald, John Bruton and Charlie Haughey. These are the nearly men. Some, like Cosgrave and Bruton, were in power for too short a time to leave a lasting impression, although in Bruton's case he did succeed in having the divorce referendum passed in 1996. Others promised much but failed to deliver. For very different reasons, FitzGerald and Haughey can be put into that category. FitzGerald's 198387 coalition was an economic disaster, regardless of the damage done by previous administrations. He also set out to introduce the right to remarry but lost the necessary referendum, and left a very messy 'right to life' wording in the constitution. Haughey's time as taoiseach is now clouded by corruption. Even a cursory glance at last year's report from the Moriarty Tribunal confirms the view that he was not fit to hold high office. Jack Lynch still has many admirers but the Corkman's role in the Arms Crisis remains open to question. He is also firmly linked with the reckless economic policies after 1977. Moreover, if Lynch had such a negative view of Haughey, why did he sponsor his return to national political life with the health minister's job in 1977? All in all, Lynch may well be the worst taoiseach the State has ever had.

And so, where does Bertie Ahern fit in? He hardly has a personal or political legacy that qualifies him to stand alongside De Valera and WT Cosgrave. His supporters would argue that he at least deserves to be in the second category of 'good but not quite great'. Perhaps. The economic boom and the peace process will be associated with his tenure as taoiseach. But one man did not make the boom, and it was underway prior to his arrival in Government Buildings in 1997. His tireless work on Northern Ireland has helped to produce the political stability we see today. But the big risks were taken before Ahern took over and again the developments since 1997 have not been one man's work. But does Ahern's record stand alongside those of Lemass, Costello and Reynolds? History might push Ahern into the third tier. The Dublin Castle tribunals are increasingly finding that he has much in common with his old mentor from Kinsealy. So could it be that Ahern will be remembered just like Jack Lynch . . . he had several terms as taoiseach but left no lasting legacy? Just like Lynch, he blew it.