It was predictable, ruthless, alarming, intended to put the fear of God – yes, God indeed – into his enemies. "The time for competition is over," the Supreme Leader told us. "If street protests don't stop, there will be other consequences... They will be held accountable for all the violence and blood and rioting... There will be a reaction." It was a threat. Enough is enough. Or else.
If it hadn't been so frightening, the Friday prayer sermon at Tehran University might have contained a perverse humour. "The Islamic establishment," Khamenei solemnly announced, "will never manipulate people's votes." If the margin between Ahmadinejad and Mousavi had been 100,000 or 200,000 votes, perhaps one might believe it, he explained. "But when the difference is 11 million votes, how can vote-rigging happen?" But that was just the point, wasn't it? That Ahmadinejad's awesome majority did indeed cast the whole shebang into doubt.
And our favourite divine went on. Of course the vote was fair – because the turnout (85%?) was so high. This was religious democracy, not the corrupt western version. "Some people wanted to show the election as a national defeat, but it was the highest turnout in the world." And of course, if the people did rashly take to the streets once more, "terrorists" – it's always good to hear Iran's religious élite use the west's favourite cliché – "might be hiding among the masses".
But where does this leave Mousavi and his allies and the million Iranians who marched through Tehran last week? They were about to become enemies of the people, enemies of the revolution. Now that this Islamic Thomas Becket has set himself up alongside Ahmadinejad, the demonstrators have found themselves confronting the power of the Islamic Republic, a pretty unsatisfactory state of affairs.
But the Supreme Leader is not a stupid man. So why did he glue himself to Ahmadinejad? Could it be he is worried about another very powerful clergyman who lives in the golden-domed city of Qom, a certain Ayatollah Yazdi, who has long feted and praised the aforesaid Mahmoud Ahmadinejad? And is it possible – it is, by the way – that Ayatollah Yazdi would very much like to be the next Supreme Leader?
Because the fundamental conflict in Iran is being fought not on the streets of Tehran – a mere tragic, brutal sideshow that could soon become a bloodbath – but beneath the cupolas and minarets and pale blue tiles of the mosques of Qom.