Taking the long view, it's been a good few weeks for Israel. It won't look that way, of course, to those who view the country from an extreme position – whether zealots unwilling to believe Israel can ever do a thing wrong, or zealots unwilling to believe it can ever do a thing right.
Nothing will assuage the passions of these fevered men, or deflect them from their mutual fascination; they are locked in a lewd embrace, each needing the heat of the other's body to keep his own alive. But to the rational and the fair, it's been a few weeks full of promise.
Call nothing certain, but Obama's strict line with Netanyahu over the resumption of building in Ramat Shlomo appears to have woken the latter to an awareness, if not yet the practice, of realpolitik – realpolitik, paradoxically, being an acceptance that a concessionary spirit as often as not trumps principle.
The argument has been advanced that the houses in Ramat Shlomo are not to be confused with settlements on disputed land, that they are the completion of a project that has been going on for years, and in a part of Jerusalem not covered by the settlement freeze – a municipal not an international matter – in other words, a bit like the holes in the roads of Co Cavan. To which the answer, since this is a family newspaper in which we ought not to resort to swearing, is "Tough!"
Where peace is the prize, such topographical niceties are not only brutally irrelevant, they are counterproductive. Never mind the rights and wrongs of it, in politics you must sometimes swallow your conviction of rectitude, just as in human relations you must sometimes accept that what looks right to you looks wrong to someone else.
Fanatical and uninformed anti-Zionism of the sort that peppers the letters pages of serious newspapers has much to answer for morally and intellectually, but the most serious charge against it is that while it satisfies the self-righteousness of its propounders, it does little to help those it calls victims, and still less to persuade those it calls oppressors.
Weary of the one-sidedness of international condemnation, successive Israeli administrations have turned away and pursued their own course, confident at least that America will go on winking at the obduracy into which it has been backed. With every misattribution of motive, with every lazy libel, that obduracy has grown stronger. Malign misrepresentation leaves no room for subtle dialogue. Thus, many who would have been critical of the occupation in their own terms – which does not mean seeing it as Hamas or Ahmadinejad see it – are deflected from the real conversation and must expend their energies confuting the prejudices of scoundrels.
The recent Biden/ Netanyahu spat has broken the enchantment. Never mind that the poorly taught and easily led will go on twittering about apartheid and genocide even if Israel pulls down every house it has ever built and moves its population on to Dizengoff Beach tomorrow – the argument now is between grown-ups. This is how you talk to friends. This is how you treat enemies. To gain A you must forfeit B. He who would win a bit in the long run must lose a bit in the long run too.
It's far better for Israel to be in an argument with a specific country over a specific issue than to have its actual, never mind its spiritual existence, forever undermined by ideologues hunting in packs with misquotations in their pockets. So I see the expulsion of an Israeli diplomat by the Britain as more good news.
This, too, has been couched in the language of sanctimony, the inviolability of passports blah blah, the crime of targeted assassinations, but that's an allowable hypocrisy. A state must say one thing while its citizens believe another. We all love targeted assassinations in our hearts, so long as it's the right target and it isn't our passport that's been purloined to do it.
From a newspaper, though, we expect a tone which at least acknowledges that we face both ways in matters such as these. So I was surprised to see a Guardian editorial reading like a 19th-century Foreign Office reprimand to a recalcitrant colony.
"Both events in London and Washington," the editorial said, "are the marks of an arrogant nation that has overreached itself."
Let's leave aside what's arrogant and what's not. What we call arrogance is almost always a cover for fear. And Netanyahu struts like a man whose fears run deep.
Allowing that tomorrow is a terrifying place, we can take some hope from all this. An Israel treated like other countries, held accountable for its political, not its supposed aetiological or genetic failings, is a country from which much might be expected, including peace.
Perhaps Howard Jacobson could apply what he proposes for dealings with Israel to his own Writing. He decries ideology in favour of pragmatism because, presumably, of the clarity it would bring to the dialogue. A little clarity in his own thinking would help. There is such a thing as justice, and to seek it is in no way ideological. What has been inflicted on the innocent people of Palestine by Israel is grossly unjust. In short, "Justice and power must be brought together, so that whatever is just may be powerful, and whatever is powerful may be just.” (Paschal)